The documented evidence of the Trudeau years points to a compromised nation – how much so remains unknown. Pictured: Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. Photo Credit: Justin Trudeau/X.
The ties that bind the federal Liberal Party and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have undermined Canadian sovereignty through the near decade that Justin Trudeau has been Prime Minister. The Trudeau family connections date back to Pierre Trudeau’s friendship with murderous autocrat Chairman Mao, and the admiration Justin Trudeau has for the dictatorial Sino communists is well documented. The Liberal Party interests have been supported by Beijing for decades, from their multiple business dealings to their backroom political activities. This intimate relationship between the Liberals and CCP has, in the Trudeau years, damaged the nation’s international standing and weakened Canada’s national interests.
Two current news items underline the ongoing, corroding effect the Liberal-CCP relationship is having on Canada. The Hogue final report on Canada’s Foreign Interference Commission is being brought into question as yet another of the Liberal government’s PR exercises. Like the foreign influence reports before it, written by Trudeau Foundation CEO Morris Rosenberg and Trudeau-family friend special rapporteur David Johnston, Justice Marie-Josée Hogue’s document is being dismissed as partisan pap that unconvincingly sweeps under a rug the wrongdoings of Trudeau and the Liberals.
Hogue has attempted to whitewash the country’s foreign interference issues, framing the many controversial incidents of the last decade in Ottawa, and in the 2019 and 2021 elections, as a result of systemic problems with the Canadian intelligence community and communications issues within government. On the single greatest concern of Canadians, Hogue dismissed any notion that there are parliamentarians who have collaborated with foreign governments, though a list of parliamentarians has been compiled and reported on by the Canadian Intelligence Security Service (CSIS), Hogue states unequivocally that there were no traitors on Parliament Hill.
In many interviews since, a number of officials have stated that the Hogue report in no way reflects the crisis Canada is facing with respect to undue foreign interference. One such interview was a Northern Perspective podcast with Michel Juneau-Katsuya, a former senior director at CSIS who served as chief of the Asia Pacific Division overseeing the intelligence activities covering China and India. Juneau-Katsuya was disappointed that Hogue has denigrated the quality of CSIS work and downplayed the significance of the intelligence. In his opinion, Hogue had committed a disservice to Canadians in obfuscating the facts: “There were criminal actions. Period. The judge pushed this under the rug.”
Juneau-Katsuya was direct in saying what Hogue would not when asked about “the 11 MPs or Senators collaborating with foreign countries.” He said (at the 15-minute mark of the interview), “Yes and the number is not 11, the number is over 50. We have the names. We have the evidence and we know when it happened and how it happened.” He explains the identified parliamentarians were actively working with foreign governments and, he suggests, for political reasons CSIS was frustrated in completing their work in exposing the clandestine activities.
Another recent news item demonstrates how both government and the government-sponsored legacy media intentionally are keeping facts about foreign government activities from Canadians. With respect to the reports on the Canada-U.S. tariff disputes, there are experts who have exposed the Liberals misinformation campaign regarding the near-unrestricted import of drugs from China and the connection to the manufacturing of fentanyl in Canada. The crux of this issue is the broader concern for CCP money laundering in Canada. Briefly, there is a recent FINTRAC study on the laundering of proceeds of illicit synthetic opioids that “recognized Canada’s heightened domestic production of fentanyl, largely from British Columbia, and its growing footprint within international narcotics distribution.” The key to the agreement reached with U.S. President Donald Trump is the very item that was downplayed by Trudeau and the media. Trump got the assurances he was looking for when Trudeau agreed to put in place a joint government financial intelligence initiative, which is to target the Canadian money laundering operations that sustain North American drug cartels and international criminal networks.
Through the past decade, Trudeau and the Liberal Party have permitted questionable activities on Canadian soil, and it is reasonable to wonder whether these are quid pro quo arrangements. Certainly, the great lengths to which the Trudeau Liberals have gone to keep the CCP’s actions in Canada buried suggest that they are fully aware of their operations in the country.
The closeness between the Trudeau government and CCP has caused friction with Canada’s traditional allies and explains, in part, why Canada has been excluded from the AUKUS intelligence alliance, QUAD, the original U.S.-led Indo-Pacific trade initiative, and American-led NATO discussions. The Canadian government was the last of the Five-Eyes Alliance to ban Huawei from building 5G infrastructure, and it did so reluctantly under the threat of being dropped from the intelligence alliance. In the last decade Canada has been slow to criticize CCP on human rights issues relating to Hong Kong, Taiwan, Tibet, Falun Gong, and the genocide of the Uyghurs, and that has often placed Canada’s foreign affairs policies at odds with its western allies.
On the domestic front, Liberal-CCP ties have resulted in highly problematic issues for the country and its sovereignty. Here are a half dozen glaring examples that have occurred with the Trudeau government.
First, the Liberals have consistently worked against Canada’s security community to avoid establishing a foreign agent registry to name and track foreign state-employed persons acting within the country. Canada’s allies have had foreign agent registries for years, yet the Trudeau Liberals branded it as a racist initiative.
Second, the Trudeau Liberals have increased investment in China’s economy: more than half a trillion dollars of Canadians’ CPP money is in China, and in 2017 Canada was the first to put more than $1 billion into the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank to support China’s international infrastructure projects. Since 2015, Liberals also permitted substantial increases of billions of dollars of Chinese direct investment in Canada.
Third, Liberals have permitted at least seven CCP police stations and agents to operate in Canada. Today, there are 176 Chinese nationals with diplomatic credentials in Canada carrying out activities that include surveillance, suppressing rights activists, and persecuting groups like Falun Gong and Uyghurs.
Fourth, CCP donations to Liberals is well documented, including cash-for-access Chinese-Liberal soirees with Justin Trudeau and other Liberal politicians. Prior to 2015, the CCP funneled foreign donations into the Trudeau Foundation and, since 2015 the revenue of the fund has more than doubled. Foreign donations to Liberal riding associations have increased, including to the PM’s Papineau Association.
Fifth, Liberal political interests are directly tied to Chinese-Canadian business interests. A Montreal network is centred around the Demarais family’s Power Corp and their close relationships with the Trudeaus, Jean Chrétien, Paul Martin, and the Rae brothers. A Toronto business network includes Liberals such as Wei Chengyi, Weng Guoning, Paul Chiang, Han Dong, former Liberal minister and Ambassador to China John McCallum, and current trade minister Mary Ng. Add to this former Ambassador to China (and McKinsey global managing partner) Dominic Barton and his wife, who is the Asian Pacific Chairman for Blackrock.
Sixth, in 2019 the Winnipeg Lab and Wuhan Lab in China were conducting joint virus research work – and this may have been gain of function research that ultimately developed the COVID-19 virus. The Trudeau government has stonewalled every effort to get at the facts on the joint research and the firing of two Winnipeg scientists – they have been held in contempt of Parliament for withholding information from MPs, and Trudeau even prorogued the House and called an election to avoid having to provide evidence.
About the time when Hogue was selected by Trudeau to investigate foreign interference in Canadian elections, in a 2023 Wall Street Journal editorial, Brian Lee Crowley opined about the CCP’s relationship with the Liberal government, “Ottawa’s reaction to possible Chinese election meddling reveals a country whose institutions and elites have been so compromised that they can’t protect Canada’s national interests or those of its democratic allies.” About the same time, Terry Glavin wrote in the National Post, “The Liberal party that arrived on the scene with Trudeau at the helm in 2015 was for all intents and purposes the political wing of the Canada-China Business Council.” In Parliament, chair of the National Defence committee, Liberal MP John McKay stated, “The government of China is an existential threat to Canada on a multiplicity of levels. We need as a nation to come to grips with the desire of the government of China to turn us all into vassal states.”
Now, the promise of the Hogue inquiry is broken. Canadians remain in the dark on the details of the Liberal-CCP relationship – and most significantly on the potentially treasonous parliamentarians. The Liberals’ dark CCP secrets will remain hidden, for now.
For anyone who thinks these sordid Liberal-CCP affairs are political strawmen or, more appropriately, bogey-panda-bears-under-the-bed conspiracies, you are encouraged to read these Canadian journalists who have reported on a great deal of the history between the Trudeau Liberals and CCP: Terry Glavin, Sam Cooper, Andy Lee, and Steven Chase and Robert Fife of the Globe and Mail, as well as the uncompromised newsrooms of Blacklock’s Reporter and The Epoch Times. The documented evidence of the Trudeau years points to a compromised nation – how much so remains unknown.
Chris George is an advocate, government relations advisor, and writer/copy editor. As president of a public relations firm established in 1994, Chris provides discreet counsel, tactical advice and management skills to CEOs/Presidents, Boards of Directors and senior executive teams in executing public and government relations campaigns and managing issues. Prior to this PR/GR career, Chris spent seven years on Parliament Hill on staffs of Cabinet Ministers and MPs. He has served in senior campaign positions for electoral and advocacy campaigns at every level of government. Today, Chris resides in Almonte, Ontario where he and his wife manage www.cgacommunications.com. Contact Chris at chrisg.george@gmail.com.
