Nearing the anniversary of his latest majority government, Doug Ford, Ontario’s premier since 2018, has some strong words for separatists in other provinces. Speaking about the possibility of the Parti Québécois (PQ) returning to power in Quebec, Ford called the prospect a “disaster” for Canada, sparking a war of words with Bloc leader Yves-François Blanchet, who characterized the rest of the provincial leaders as beholden to Ontario. Reporting for the Toronto Star, Alex Ballingall and Mark Ramzy quoted Blanchet as saying, “Canada is Ontario. The other Canadian provinces are colonies of Ontario.” Not to be outdone, Paul St. Pierre Plamondon, the PQ leader, charged Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney with being part of Canada’s “long tradition of colonialism” towards the Québécois.
The war of words comes soon after Carney’s national unity speech in Quebec City on Jan. 22. The bigger question arose after Ford interjected himself into more provincial extracurriculars. Speaking at a gathering of first ministers last week, Ford advised Alberta Premier Danielle Smith to “stand up” and denounce an effort by some of her citizens to explore separation from Canada. CP24 reported that after hearing about a Financial Times story claiming that members of the Alberta Prosperity Project met with U.S. State Department officials three times last April in Washington, Ford said, “This is an opportunity for Premier Smith to stand up and say, ‘Enough is enough.’ Either you’re with Canada, or you’re not with Canada.” When asked to comment on Premier David Eby’s accusation of “treasonous” to describe the meetings, Ford stepped back, saying, “We’re one country, and we should all be sticking together. We shouldn’t have groups going around the federal government’s back or the province’s back to negotiate something with the U.S.” Why has Ford waded into these matters so forcefully, and what does it mean for Ontario and Ford’s political future?
HISTORICAL PRECEDENT
Ontario’s premier, regardless of time or party, has held an important role in national unity. As Canada’s largest province, its leader has been called on to make greater sacrifices, show leadership, and set an example for others. As the elder brother, so to speak, Ontario should come to the defence of the nation, stick up for provinces in trouble, and offer to provide a solution or give up an advantage for the greater good. The Confederation itself relied on Ontario politicians such as Sir John A. Macdonald, George Brown, Sir Oliver Mowat, and William McDougall. In the years following Confederation, Ontario fought for provincial rights and supported the nation’s expansion north and west.
The twentieth century presents us with three additional and significant instances deserving of attention. In 1967, amidst Quebec’s period of considerable social and political change known as the “Quiet Revolution,” Premier John Robarts invited Quebec to participate in discussions concerning its future within the Canadian federation at the aptly named “Confederation of Tomorrow Conference.” While it did not defuse Quebec’s growing separatist movement, it showed how pivotal Ontario’s role is in national unity. During the 1981 Constitution talks, only Premier William Davis initially supported Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau’s efforts to patriate the constitution. Davis’s “bland” compromise included supporting a notwithstanding clause that convinced Trudeau to compromise and brought the other premiers on board (except Quebec). Finally, during the 1987-1990 Meech Lake Accord meetings, Premier David Peterson risked his political future (he lost the next time he went to the polls), offering to sacrifice Ontario Senate seats to appease other provinces’ demands, believing that a deal was necessary to keep Quebec in Canada.
If Ford has these examples in mind, he needs to explain his thinking more fully. He must also come up with a better venue and strategy for validating the concerns of Quebec and Alberta. He sounds more confrontational than conciliatory in his remarks, adding fuel to the fire rather than dousing the flames. The markers are there for Ford to reach; the question remains: Does the former populist turned federalist want to remake his image completely and become a nation builder?
PERSONAL POLITICAL FUTURE
Ford has no future in the federal Conservative Party in its present form. The party has become youth-oriented, committed to developing Canada’s resources, and interested in building partnerships with blue-collar workers, immigrants, and emerging businesses. This should be up Ford’s lane, but during COVID, he took a left turn and has never found his way back. Convinced that he could triangulate the centre in Ontario, Ford chose political expediency over principle. He could have insisted on opening schools, getting the economy back up and running, and advocating for fewer restrictions. Instead, he aligned his administration with the federal government because they promised money to help him dig Ontarians out of the economic mess the pandemic had created.
Politically, Ford may have arguments to back his decision. In 2022 and again in 2025, he won majority governments, making him the first premier since John Robarts in the 1960s to oversee three consecutive majorities. But philosophically, he has become an establishment man. He began working with former prime minister Justin Trudeau during the COVID years and now serves as Prime Minister Mark Carney’s wingman. Refusing to campaign for Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre in last year’s federal election signalled his intention to continue his move to the centre and a desire to seek a fourth term if the conditions are right. Content to become the latest Premier Dad (Dalton McGuinty’s nickname), Ford talks tough on a variety of issues, but holds his finger up to feel which direction the wind is blowing when the pushback comes. His actions reveal a man most interested in securing his future by happily working with federal Liberal governments, concluding that their success best ensures his electoral chances. The former populist has become a political pragmatist.
LEGACY
Undoubtedly, if asked, Ford would want to be remembered as a premier who governed Ontario to economic heights. He would want his efforts to open up Ontario’s Ring of Fire and his development policies to define what he accomplished. Protecting Ontario from external threats and increasing worker productivity would rank high on his priorities. Overseeing a lengthy Progressive Conservative government will also rank as a consequential achievement. The emphasis will be on progressive conservatism because Ford has not turned back the clock on ever-increasing provincial budget deficits. He has spent with the best of them. He has allowed the loony woke education policies of DEI to continue unchecked, and his attempts to promote the trades rely heavily on convincing women and minorities to enrol in vocational schools and apprenticeships. The premier may serve several more years, and perhaps he will reinvent himself, but as of 2026, Ford’s transformation from a Trump-like populist to a traditional Ontario premier in the mould of a statesman has caught many by surprise, perhaps none more than the man himself.
Dave Redekop is a retired elementary resource teacher who now works part-time at the St. Catharines Courthouse as a Registrar. He has worked on political campaigns since high school and attended university in South Carolina for five years, where he earned a Master’s in American History with a specialization in Civil Rights. Dave loves reading biographies.
